Drawn to Nature: John Douglas Woodward's Career in Art

by Sue Rainey

 



 
 
Notes
 
1 "J. D. Woodward," in Walter Montgomery, ed., American Art and American Art Collections (1889; reprint New York: Garland Publishing Co., 1978), p. 625. Joseph Pennell, Modern Illustration (London and New York: G. Bell & Son, 1895), p. 127.
 
2 Louise E. Gray, Evelyn Q. Ryland, and Bettie J. Simmons, Historic Buildings in Middlesex Co., Va, 1650 - 1875 (Charlotte NC: Delmar Printing Co. for Middlesex County Board of Supervisors, 1978), p. 253. The artist's maternal grandfather was Warner Washington Minor, a "close relation" of George Washington, according to The Virginia Churchman, Jan. 1941, p. 5.
 
3 In 1850 the population was 115,435. Robert I. Vexler, Cincinnati: A Chronological and Documentary History, 1676 - 1970 (Dobbs Ferry NY: Oceana Publications, 1975), p. 24.
 
4 The main sources of biographical information on Woodward are: the "Biographical Sketch" written by his nephew the Reverend Edmund L. Woodward in 1942 to accompany a typed, edited transcription of many of his letters: "An Artist Abroad in the Seventies" (copy at the Library of Virginia, Richmond); a brief article in The National Cyclopedia of American Biography (1929), p. 346; and the letters by Woodward, his wife, and his parents in the Woodward Family Papers, Ms/C/38, Valentine Museum, Richmond, Virginia. All letters cited hereinafter are from the Woodward Family Papers unless otherwise noted. In quotations from the letters, wording has been reproduced exactly. The only changes are occasional insertions of initial capitalization and end punctuation or the spelling out of abbreviations for clarity.
 
5 Welsch's name also appears as Charles Feodor Welsch and Theodore Charles Welsh. Born in Dresden, he was the son of Johann Friedrich Welsch (1796 - 1871), known for his genre and portrait paintings. He was a student of his father and, in Paris, of the Swiss landscape painter Alexandre Calame (1810 - 1864). For information on other Cincinnati artists and art patrons, see the catalogue The Golden Age: Cincinnati Painters of the Nineteenth Century Represented in the Cincinnati Art Museum (Cincinnati Art Museum, 1979) and the essay therein by Denny Carter, "Cincinnati as an Art Center, 1830 - 1865," pp.13 - 21.
 
6 Cincinnati Enquirer, Feb. 24, 1861; and April 14, 1861. I am indebted to Morgan Zinsmeister for this information.
 
7 Covington Journal, June 4,1870, p. 2: "Many of our Covington readers will remember young J. D. Woodward, at one time -- then a mere lad -- a resident of this city. The bent of his mind was towards painting, and he engaged in the work with the devotion and enthusiasm of a true artist. His friends saw in his earlier efforts the promise of future eminence, and have watched his subsequent career with no little interest. He is now in Richmond, Va., and a late painting of his is warmly commended by the press of that city." I am indebted to Jon Boh of the Kenton County Historical Society for providing information from city directories, tax records, and the Covington Journal.
 
8 The Kenton County tax records for 1854 show J. P. L. Woodward's property included "one slave worth $700."
 
9 E. L. Woodward, "Biographical Sketch," pp. iii - iv.
 
10 The Fifth Annual Report of the Trustees of the Cooper Union for the Advancement of Science and Art, July 1st, 1864, p. 35.
 
11 J. P. L Woodward is so listed in the 1866 Richmond City Directory (William J. Divine & Co.). From 1870, the business is designated as Woodward & Son (Boyd's Directory of Richmond City, 1870). The elder Woodward was successful enough to buy lot 60 - 199 at the corner of Floyd and Linden Sts., Richmond, in 1883 and to build two houses there, one for himself and one for Minor. Letter of Mary Woodward, Aug. 12, 1883, to JDW and his wife.
 
12 The Seventh Annual Report of the Trustees of the Cooper Union for the Advancement of Science and Art, July 1st 1866, p. 52.
 
13 JDW to Edward Valentine, New York, March 11 [1868]. Papers of Edward V. Valentine, Valentine Museum, Richmond, Virginia.
 
14 "An ex-Covingtonian Heard From," Covington Journal, Dec. 25, 1869, p. 3. The brief notice quoted from The Orpheus reads, in part: "The painting, which is an exquisite gem in its way, is the work of Mr. J. Douglas Woodward, a native of Virginia, who has lately taken up his residence in Boston."
 
15 Durand's letter appeared in The Crayon (Jan. - July 1855); the first American edition of Modern Painters (vols. I and II) appeared in 1847. Although there is no direct evidence of Woodward having read Ruskin, the latter's influence among landscape artists in this period was pervasive. See Roger B. Stein, John Ruskin and Aesthetic Thought in America, 1840 - 1900 (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1967).
 
16 JDW to Virginia Minor (his aunt), July 16, 1876.
 
17 In the Foreward to "An Artist Abroad in the Seventies," E. L. Woodward wrote that the artist copied the Lowell quotation "into one of his sketch books, put there to keep always before him. It was his Creed of Art" (p. ii).
 
18 Quoted from the Daily State Journal (Richmond) in the Covington Journal, June 4, 1870, p. 2.
 
19 409 N. 8th St. (Boyd's Directory of Richmond City).
 
20 Woodward wrote his mother in Richmond April 1, 1877: "I regret exceedingly to hear that Sheppard finds it so dull -- and think he will yet have to do as I told him long ago -- go to N Y to live -- there a man of his ability would always find plenty to do." His letter to her July 28, 1878, expressed concern that his younger brother Dick was looking for a "situation" in "a place like Richmond, when he can never hope to rise or receive more than enough to clothe himself decently."
 
21 The Valentine Museum owns a number of Sheppard's drawings and illustrations. See William Ludwell Sheppard: A Retrospective Exhibition of His Works (Richmond VA: Valentine Museum, 1969).
 
22 Woodward's sketch Lock on the Feeder, Dismal Swamp Va. has the following pencil notation: "House where Sheppard & I stayed one night. Lockkeeper & wife in same room." It is not clear whether the trip to the Dismal Swamp was commissioned. Woodward's sketches were the basis for four wood engravings in Hearth and Home June 10, 1871, one of which has the attribution, "(From a Sketch by J. D. Woodward.)". Perhaps Woodward used these sketches to demonstrate his ability to Hearth and Home, leading to the commission that followed. Sheppard's Dismal Swamp illustrations eventually appeared in Harper's Weekly, June 14, 1873.
 
23 Harper's Weekly sent Alfred R. Waud and Theodore R. Davis in 1866, Frank Leslie's sent Joseph Becker in 1869, and Appletons' Journal sent Harry Fenn in 1870. On Waud and Davis, see Peter H. Wood and Karen C. C. Dalton, Winslow Homer's Images of Blacks: The Civil War and Reconstruction Years (Austin: The Menil Collection, University of Texas Press, 1988), p. 79. More comprehensive coverage would come in 1873 - 74 in "The Great South" series in Scribner's Monthly (published as a book in 1875), with wood engravings based on drawings by James Wells Champney and text by Edward King. See Sue Rainey,
"Images of the South in Picturesque America and The Great South," in Judy L. Larson, ed., Graphic Arts & the South: Proceedings of the 1990 North American Print Conference (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1993), pp. 185 - 215.
 
24 Hearth and Home, April 24, May 8, 15, 22, 1869; March 19, 1870. Stowe resigned her editorship in Oct. 1869.
 
25 In Oct. 1870 Pettengill, Bates & Co, sold Hearth and Home to Orange Judd & Co. The new editor was David Judd. A Dec. 17, 1870, notice to readers claimed that "engravings will be abundant, and of such a high order as to develop and cultivate true taste....Our next volume will contain $20,000 to $30,000 worth of fine engravings."
26 This assertion is based on references in the texts to Mr. Woodward sending sketches from his travels (e.g., Sept. 16, 1871, p. 725) and the instructions written on his sketch of Palmetto Camp, Shingle Making indicating he expected someone else to prepare the block (see cat. 16).
 
27 Hearth and Home, Nov. 11, 1871.
 
28 See Appletons' Journal, Nov. 12, 1870; or William C. Bryant, ed. Picturesque America, 1, 22 - 23. On the depiction of Florida and swamps in general, see David C. Miller, Dark Eden: The Swamp in Nineteenth-Century American Culture (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), esp. p. 59.
 
29 "Southern Prawn and Oyster-Fishing," Hearth and Home, April 6, 1872, p. 268.
 
30 Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863 - 1877 (New York: Harper & Row, 1988), pp. 486 - 500.
 
31 Sept. 16, 1871; July 20, 1872; Nov. 25, 1871; July 6, 1872.
 
32 "Southern Sketches -- Sugar Plantations," Hearth and Home, Nov. 11, 1871. Other texts written by Woodward or quoting from his notes are the following: "Orange Culture in Florida," Sept. 16, 1871; "Florida Sketches -- Silver Spring," Nov. 18, 1871; "Sugar-Making in Louisiana," Nov. 25, 1871; "Scenes on the Bayou Teche," Dec. 16, 1871.
 
33 Among the many helpful discussions of this topic are: Walter John Hipple, Jr., The Beautiful, the Sublime, and the Picturesque in Eighteenth-Century British Aesthetic Theory (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1957); Malcolm Andrews, The Search for the Picturesque: Landscape Aesthetics and Tourism in Britain, 1760 - 1800 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989); and Bruce Robertson, "The Picturesque Traveler in America," in Edward J. Nygren, with Bruce Robertson, Views and Visions: American Landscape before 1830 (Washington DC: Corcoran Gallery of Art, 1986), pp. 187 - 211.
 
34 Another more limited illustrating job involved making four drawings from W. H. Jackson's photographs from the 1872 Hayden survey of Yellowstone. The subsequent wood engravings accompanied two articles on "The Yellowstone Reservation" by A. C. Peale, a member of Hayden's party, in The Illustrated Christian Weekly, Aug, 3, 1872 and May 3,1873: The Lower Falls (engraved by Timothy Cole); Crystal Falls; Group near Mystic Lake; and The United States General Survey, en Route, with Pack Train. Two of these were reused in Hayden's Sixth Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey of the Territories (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1873), pp. 53, 133. Hayden thanked The Illustrated Christian Weekly for electrotypes.
35 For a fuller account of this project, see Sue Rainey, Creating Picturesque America: Monument to the Natural and Cultural Landscape (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1994).
 
36 The text of Picturesque America indicates that Woodward travelled with writer W. S. Ward for "Valley of the Genesee," and probably with writer W. H. Rideing for "Lake Memphremagog" and "Water-Falls at Cayuga Lake."
37 It is clear that most of the Picturesque America artists, with A. R. Waud the most likely exception, redrew their preliminary compositions on the woodblocks themselves, working in either pencil, India ink, or sepia. See Rainey, Creating Picturesque America, pp.175 - 78.
 
38 Feb. 11, 1871 (reproduced in Rainey, "Images of the South in Picturesque America and The Great South," p. 194). To fit the different layout in Picturesque America, a portion of the bottom of the block was removed. Woodward subsequently contributed an illustration of Natural Bridge from the same viewpoint to The Aldine, March 1874, p. 54.
 
39 Printing from an intaglio surface required a special plate press that applied great pressure to force the ink from the grooves in the plate onto the paper (and eventually wore down the plate). Since both letterpress type and wood engravings printed from a relief, or raised, surface, they could be printed simultaneously on the same type of press, which reduced costs. By the time of Picturesque America, printing of both the wood engraved image and text would have been from electrotypes. The latter were made by galvanic action -- direct current electricity in a precipitating cell containing dilute sulfuric acid and copper plates. Any number of duplicate electrotypes could be made from a wood engraving, enabling unlimited runs. See Michael Winship, "Printing with Plates in the Nineteenth-Century United States," Printing History, 5, 2 (1983), 20 - 21.
 
40 Woodward had used a "stepped down" format in The Lower Falls of the Yellowstone. See fn. 34 above.
 
41 While working on a subsequent project, Picturesque Europe, letters show him struggling to meet deadlines for the blocks and glad to be finished with troublesome architectural subjects (JDW to his mother, Feb. 25, Dec. 9, 1877).
42 For more on the Appleton firm's competition with The Aldine, see Rainey, Creating Picturesque America, pp. 70 - 73.
 
43 As indicated by dates on the few located drawings.
44 In "Old Sailing Days on the Hudson: The Maritime Drawings of John Douglas Woodward" (Albany NY: Three City Press, 1976) Richard W. Wilkie commends Woodward's accuracy and reproduces many of his wood engravings, noting the type of vessel depicted, the direction it appears to be sailing, etc. (William Diebold called this publication to my attention.)
45 Most of the wood engravings from The Art Journal series were used in the book, although a few were not. Several others were added, including at least one taken from Picturesque America, Albany. The unsigned text was slightly revised. J. C. & A. L. Fawcett, Astoria NY, have published a facsimile reprint of the 1888 edition of The Hudson River by Pen and Pencil.
46 He made the last mortgage payment on his house before leaving for England in late April 1876 (JDW to Virginia Minor, July 16, 1876; to his mother, Dec. 29, 1877, Sept. 8, 1878). While he was in England, it was rented by a Mr. Meeder, probably of the Meeder-Chubb engraving firm, which had worked on Picturesque America. No evidence of how much Woodward earned from the Appleton commissions has come to light, but another Picturesque America artist, James D. Smillie, earned $35 for full-page blocks, $25 for half-page, and $10 - 20 for smaller images, plus a travel stipend (Diaries of James D. Smillie, Archives of American Art, mfm. roll 2850, cash accounts for 1872 and 1873). Fenn's annual earnings while working on Picturesque America were said to be $10,000 ("Art and Artists," Boston Daily Evening Transcript, March 22, 1887).
47 E. L. Woodward, "Biographical Sketch," p. iv.
48 See also Sue Rainey, "J. D. Woodward's Wood Engravings of Colorado and the Pacific Railways, 1876 - 1878," Imprint: Journal of the American Historical Print Collectors Society, 18 (Autumn 1993), 2 - 12.
49 An unlocated watercolor titled A Misty Morning. See Kathleen A. Foster, "The Pre-Raphaelite Medium: Ruskin, Turner, and American Watercolor," in Linda S. Ferber and William H. Gerdts, The New Path: Ruskin and the American Pre-Raphaelites (Brooklyn: The Brooklyn Museum, 1985), pp.79 - 107.
 
50 The earlier star was the Yosemite Valley, which became widely known in the 1850s and was much visited.
 
51 "Art and Artists," Oct. 1, 1875.
 
52 Edward Strahan (pseud.), ed. (Philadelphia: Allen, Land and Scott & J. W. Lauderback, 1875). Woodward's illustrations are primarily scenes along Pennsylvania's rivers.
 
53 JDW to his mother, May 6, 1876.
 
54 Among the British artists contributing numerous illustrations were W. H. J. Boot, T. L. Rowbotham, P. Skelton, Towneley Green, R. P. Leitch, Cyrus Johnson, W. W. May, and E. Wagner.
 
55 JDW to his mother, May 6, 21, 1876.
 
56 JDW to his mother, July 16, 1876; to Virginia Minor, July 16, 1876.
 
57 JDW to Virginia Minor, July 8, 1877, reveals his concerns about safety and whether he would be able to make the requisite drawings. Although the American Minister in Paris strongly advised him not to go to Turkey, the English publisher wanted him to, but refused to pay him unless he came back with drawings -- terms Woodward would not accept. For a time he thought his work on Picturesque Europe was over, "but Mr. Appleton fortunately arrived in London from N. Y. and informed the English House that they would not consent to my dropping out, and as I had been prevented (purposely I think) from doing the work when I wished to by Mr. Whymper the manager of the book there was nothing to do but give me some other country to illustrate, Norway being the only one left and one that Mr. W. had reserved as a choice morsel for himself he had to give it to me and take in exchange Turkey and Greece himself." The illustrations for those two countries were probably drawn from photographs.
 
58 JDW to his mother, May 21, 1876; JDW to Virginia Minor, July 16, 1876.
 
59 JDW to his mother, Aug. 13, 1876.
 
60 JDW to his mother, Sept. 13, 1876.
 
61 JDW to his mother, July 23, 1876. Italics original.
 
62 JDW to his mother, July 23, 1876.
 
63 JDW to Virginia Minor, July 16, 1876.
 
64 JDW to his mother, July 6, 1876.
 
65 JDW to his mother, June 24, 1877.
 
66 JDW to his mother, July 30, 1876.
 
67 JDW to his mother, May 6, 1876; to Virginia Minor, July 16, 1876.
 
68 JDW to his mother, May 6, 1876.
 
69 JDW to Virginia Minor, July 16, 1876. Balaclava (40 15/16 by 73 13/16 inches) is owned by the Manchester City Art Gallery. Miss Thompson's earlier painting of the Crimean War, Roll Call, or Calling the Roll after an Engagement, Crimea (1874), had also been widely acclaimed, making the young woman a celebrity. Matthew Paul Lalumia, in Realism and Politics in Victorian Art of the Crimean War (Ann Arbor MI.: UMI Research Press, 1984), writes: "the critics acknowledged that Lady Butler brought to battle painting an unprecedented realism by focusing on war's cost and its formerly inconspicuous victims" (p. 143).
 
70 JDW to Virginia Minor, July 16, 1876.
 
71 Modern Painters, I; in E. T. Cook and A. Wedderburn, eds. The Works of John Ruskin (London: George Allen, 1903 - 12), III, 190 - 191. On Ruskin's opinions of Constable, see Ian Fleming-Williams and Leslie Parris, The Discovery of Constable (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1984), pp. 49 - 51. The Constables owned by British museums in the 1870s, consisting solely of finished oils rather than any of his studies, conceivably could have supported such an interpretation more than the range of his works now known. See Fleming-Williams and Parris, op. cit., Part One, esp. chs. 1, 3, 5, 6.
 
72 He failed to mention any specific works.
 
73 JDW to his mother, May 13, 1877. The wood engraving of Balcony Falls appeared in the March 1874 Aldine, p. 50.
 
74 JDW to his mother, Sept. 3, 1876. This comment is puzzling in light of the many outstanding illustrators designing for wood engravings in England in the 1860s (see, for example, Eric de Maré, The Victorian Woodblock Illustrators [New York: The Sandstone Press, 1981]). Perhaps those Woodward had heard from had in mind artists skilled in producing landscape illustrations in the style of Picturesque America.
 
75 JDW to his mother, May 27, 1877.
 
76 JDW to his mother, Sept. 30, 1877.
 
77 JDW to Virginia Minor, July 16, 1876.
 
78 JDW to his mother Jan. 27, 1878.
 
79 Montgomery, ed. "J. D. Woodward," American Art and American Art Collections, p. 638.
 
80 Hovenden painted a portrait of Maria Louise Woodward now owned by her great nephew William Douglas Riley, Jr., of Dallas TX.
 
81 For descriptions of the artists' colony at Pont-Aven, see David Sellin, Americans in Brittany and Normandy 1860 - 1910 (Phoenix: Phoenix Art Museum, 1982), pp. 11 - 42; and Michael Jacobs, The Good and Simple Life: Art Colonies in Europe and America (Oxford: Phaidon, 1985), ch. 3.
 
82 No paintings dating from this period in Pont-Aven have yet been identified. Letters reveal that Woodward and his wife became friendly with Wylie and mourned his sudden death in Feb. 1877. JDW to his mother, Feb. 13, 25, 1877.
 
83 JDW to his mother, Dec. 9, 1877, suggests the Appletons wanted to keep the new arrangement secret, perhaps until Picturesque Europe was nearer completion.
 
84 Except for five steel engravings in Vol. I by other artists -- one each by R. Beavis and H. A. Harper and three by C. Werner -- presumably based on oil paintings completed prior to the project.
 
85 On the fascination the Holy Land held for many Americans in the nineteenth century, see Neil A. Silberman, Digging for God and Country: Exploration, Archeology, and the Secret Struggle for the Holy Land, 1799 - 1917 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982); Robert T. Handy, ed., with commentary, The Holy Land in American Protestant Life 1800 - 1948: A Documentary History (New York: Arno Press, 1981); and John Davis, The Landscape of Belief: Encountering the Holy Land in Nineteenth-Century American Art and Culture (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), esp. Part I.
 
86 JDW to his mother, Dec. 9, 1877; to his wife, May 6, 1878.
 
87 They sent the artists directly to Jerusalem rather than to the Sinai area, where there were disturbances among the Bedouins. JDW to his mother, Dec. 9, 29, 1877; Feb. 3, 1878. Woodward and Fenn insisted upon the terms they wanted, threatening not to go unless they were met. JDW to his mother, Feb. 18, 1878.
 
88 Published by Nelson & Phillips, New York. Two wood engravings have Woodward's initials: the frontispiece, Tower of David, and Waterfall at Abana (p. 692). I am indebted to Melanie Kirschner for noting these illustrations.
 
89 JDW to his mother, March 3, 1878; March 12, 1878. Comments in the letters show Woodward's familiarity with The Innocents Abroad. See especially: JDW to his mother, March 10, 1877, where he compares his own fall to Twain's Turkish Bath experience, quoting "the first things that attracted my attention were my heels" (Innocents Abroad [Signet Classic, 1966] p. 279); JDW to his wife, Feb. 21 - 22,1878, compares his disappointing purchase of cigars in Gibraltar to Twain's of gloves (Innocents Abroad, pp. 59 - 61); and JDW to his wife, May 10, 1878, says that Twain "gives a good idea of this country but not of the Bedouins." Woodward and Fenn found the Bedouins more threatening than Twain had.
 
90 JDW to his wife, April 21, May 10, 1878; to his mother March 22, 1878.
 
91 JDW to his mother, March 22, 1878, "An Artist Abroad in the Seventies," p. 90. He also recounts this experience to his wife, March 12, 1878.
 
92 Published by John Murray, London. There was a new, revised edition in 1875. Woodward refers to "Murray" twice: JDW to his wife, April 20, May 4, 1879. Fenn evidently also made use of this guide: His watercolor of Caesarea Philippi (Banias) from the 1878 trip (now at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York) is inscribed with three Biblical references Murray cites (reproduced in American Watercolors from the Metropolitan Museum of Art (1991), # 79).
 
93 See Davis's discussion of other paintings of Jerusalem from the Mount of Olives, most notably those by Frederic E. Church, The Landscape of Belief, pp. 162 - 164, 185 - 192.
 
94 JDW to his wife, May 10, 1878.
 
95 JDW to his mother, April 20, 1879.
 
96 In his letter to his mother, Aug. 4, 1878, Woodward wrote that when they spoke of the beauty of the flowers, Willy Appleton suggested they use them in the book.
 
97 JDW to his wife, April 14, 1878. See Picturesque Palestine, I, 133, 285, written by Canon [Henry Baker] Tristram.
 
98 JDW to his wife, April 29, 1878.
 
99 William McClure Thomson, The Land and the Book, 2 vols. (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1859), II, 468; quoted in Davis, The Landscape of Belief, p. 48.
 
100 Italics in original, quoted in Silberman, Digging for God and County, p. 86. This book illuminates the politics and international rivalries involved in efforts to identify and control sites in the Holy Land.
 
101 See Yehoshua Ben-Arieh, The Rediscovery of the Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century, 2nd ed. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University, 1983); Silberman, Digging for God and Country, esp. chs. 9 - 12; and Davis, The Landscape of Belief, esp. ch. 2.
 
102 JDW to his mother, Aug. 4, 1878.
 
103 JDW to his mother, Sept. 15, 1878. Woodward's letters of Aug. 25 and Sept. 8, 1878, reveal his surprise at the sudden "failure" of the Virtue firm, which briefly put the future of the project in doubt. Satisfactory arrangements were made, however, between the Appleton firm and the assignees of Virtue and Co. by Sept. 15, and plans proceeded for the second journey.
 
104 JDW to his father, Nov. 5, 1878, and Mary Woodward to JDW and his wife, undated [late Nov. 1878].
 
105 JDW to his mother, June 21, July 14, 28, 1878.
 
106 JDW to his mother, April 1, 1877. He also writes of his "long legs" enabling him to climb the Pyramids more easily than most people (to his wife, Feb. 15, 1879). When wolves are spotted in the vicinity of Pont-Aven, he writes his mother that he wouldn't furnish a wolf a "square meal," although he might do for lunch (Jan. 12, 1877).
 
107 Lu to Mary Woodward, July 23, 1878. The Frederic Church house, Olana, still has a wardrobe full of costumes from Church's trip to the Holy Land.
 
108 JDW to his mother, Dec. 22, 1878.
 
109 JDW to his mother, Aug. 25, 1878.
 
110 JDW to his mother, Dec. 28, 1878.
 
111 I am indebted to John Davis for calling Stanley's American tour to my attention. See John Davis, "Frederic Church's 'Sacred Geography,'" Smithsonian Studies in American Art, 1 (Spring 1987), 82 - 83; and Rowland E. Prothero, Life and Correspondence of Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, D.D. 2 vols. (London: John Murray, 1894).
 
112 JDW to his mother, Jan. 5, 1879.
 
113 Co-authored with Captain Charles Warren, the book had received widespread attention in both Britain and the United States. Excerpts and illustrations from it appeared, for example, in the April 29, 1871, Illustrated Christian Weekly.
 
114 JDW to his wife, Feb. 9, April 6, 20, 1879. He worked on his unfinished sketches in his hotel room in Port Said.
 
115 JDW to his wife, April 20, 1879.
 
116 JDW to his wife, June 4, 1879; to his mother, May 14, 1879.
 
117 Most of the latter illustrations were drawn by Fenn, although several were unsigned. In a few cases Fenn signed his monogram and "1881," suggesting the images were developed after their journeys, perhaps based on photographs (see PP, II, 209, 371). The images in which one or more figures face the viewer directly are rare enough to raise the possibility they were based on photographs (see PP, I, 22; II, 335). Fenn could have used the same photograph of women spinning in preparing both II, 192 and I, 237. A few of Woodward's illustrations featuring people also have the look of being based on photographs (see I, 417). On one of his drawings, The Houses of Lazarus and Dives, Via Dolorosa, Jerusalem, he wrote, "See photo for details." In addition, in a letter from Jerusalem he mentions buying photographs (to his wife, March 17, 1878).
 
118 JDW to his mother, June 15, 1879. His determination to paint may have been intensified by meeting his American friend Ernest Parton (1845 - 1933) in London shortly after his return. Parton, who had recently married an English woman (for money, Woodward surmised) had achieved considerable success at the recent Royal Academy Exhibition.
 
119 He reached London in June 1879, hoping to sail immediately to the United States. His wife had returned in Jan. to be with his parents, who were still mourning his brother's death, and he longed to join them. He was required, however, to await the arrival of Mr. Appleton in order to discuss arrangements for the book. JDW to his mother, June 15, 1879.
 
120 Fenn's drawings have apparently been scattered. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, owns one watercolor for Picturesque Palestine (see note 92), and they occasionally appear in auctions.
 
121 The steel engravers, on the other hand, were mostly British. The only names appearing on any of the wood engravings definitely known to be English are Whymper and Dalziel. Josiah Wood Whymper had been the manager and chief wood engraver for Picturesque Europe (probably assisted by his firm of wood engravers). Dalziel was the signature for the prominent London firm of wood engravers, the Dalziel Brothers. See de Maré, The Victorian Woodblock Illustrators, esp. pp. 53 - 66.
 
122 In 1884 J. C. Derby wrote that Picturesque America, Picturesque Europe, and Picturesque Palestine all "continue to sell largely and by subscription only" (Fifty Years Among Authors, Books and Publishers [New York: G. W. Carleton, 1884]). Most of Picturesque Palestine's wood engravings were reused (no doubt from electrotypes) in a loosely-translated German edition, Palästina in Bild und Wort nebs der Sinaihalbinsel und dem Lande Gosen, 2 voIs., ed. Georg Ebers and Hermann Guthe (Stuttgart and Leipzig: Deutsche verlags-anstalt, 1883 - 84).
This book omitted most of the Egyptian material (probably because Ebers had published Aegypten in Bild und Wort ca. 1879), used only two steel engravings as frontispieces, and added notes from Guthe about discoveries of the German Palestine Exploration Society. The French publication by Victor Guérin, La Terre Sainte (Paris: E. Plon, 1882 - 84), used about half of the illustrations -- a total of 340, including 22 steel engravings -- without mentioning the artists' names.
 
123 "Venice," Nov. 1882.
 
124 In 1881, two illustrations by him appeared in Song of the Brook by Tennyson (Boston: Estes and Lauriat). In 1883, he contributed five illustrations to Jean Ingelow's The High Tide on the Coast of Lincolnshire (Boston: Roberts Brothers), along with Fenn, Childe Hassam, and others; one to Caroline E.S. Norton's Bingen on the Rhine (Philadelphia: Porter & Coates, 1883); and one to the "Artist's Edition" of Gray's Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1884), which included illustrations by Bolton Jones, Hovenden, William Hamilton Gibson, and others; and his name appears among the illustrators of Tennyson's The Princess (Boston: James R. Osgood, 1884).
 
125 For an elaborate multi-volume illustrated edition of The Poetical Works of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1881 - 3), Woodward's contributions included a view of the Nile and Fenn's one of Jerusalem. Both would later provide many illustrations of the Near East for the Century, especially for articles in 1888 and 1889 by the photographer Edward L. Wilson, illustrated by wood engravings based on the author's photographs.
 
126 For example, An Autumnal Afternoon -- Maplewood, N.J. (NAD, Spring 1882) and On the Mill Stream and In the Meadows (both at Brooklyn Art Association, 1882).
 
127 Interest in figure painting also increased in this period, as Americans admired both the historical paintings of Jean-Léon Gérôme and Jean-Louis-Ernest Meissonier and paintings of laboring peasants by Jean-François Millet and Jules Breton. Whether protesting the unjust lot of peasants or celebrating their common humanity, the latter conveyed important social meanings in both France and in the U.S., where they were popular from mid-century on (as Roger Stein discussed in his essay). See Hollister Sturges, ed., The Rural Vision: France and America in the Late Nineteenth Century (Omaha NE: Joslyn Art Museum, 1987). Woodward, however, never attempted to make figures the main subject of his canvases.
 
128 From 1888 to about 1905 the Jones brothers shared a studio in the Clinton Studio Building at 253 West 42nd St. Woodward may have rented a studio there as well, for that was the address accompanying his NAD exhibition entries from 1888 to 1894. In 1883 he used the address of the Sherwood Studio Building, 58 West 57th St., where the Jones brothers lived from 1881 - 1887, when exhibiting with the Society of American Artists, but this may have been because he was in Pont-Aven at the time.
 
129 Boston Daily Evening Transcript, Jan. 17, 1885; "American Painters -- H. Bolton Jones," The Art Journal, Feb. 1881, p. 54. See Joan Hanson Zeizel, "Hugh Bolton Jones, American Landscape Painter" (master's thesis, George Washington University, 1972). On Daubigny, see Steven Adams, The Barbizon School & the Origins of Impressionism (London: Phaidon Press, 1994), pp. 183 - 197; and Madeleine Fidell-Beaufort and Janine Bailly-Herzberg, Daubigny (Paris: Editions Geoffroy-Dechaume, 1975). Woodward might have seen Daubigny's work at the Salon of 1877.
 
130 See Lois M. Fink, American Art at the Nineteenth-Century Paris Salons (Washington DC: National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, 1990), pp. 125 - 135; and H. Barbara Weinberg, The Lure of Paris: Nineteenth-Century American Painters and Their French Teachers (New York: Abbeville Press, 1991).
 
131 JDW to his mother, May 7, 1883. The other artists included William Hamilton Gibson (1850 - 1896), a friend who had also worked on Picturesque America and who specialized in depicting nature.
 
132 He wrote his mother, May 13, 1883, that by the time he left, he felt he knew "the best pictures pretty well," although he failed to mention which those were. The French landscape paintings depicted in the Illustrated Catalogue for the Paris Salon of 1883 (ed. F. G. Dumas; Paris: Librarie D'art L. Baschet [microfiche: Cambridge: Chadwyck Healy Ltd., 1977]) include an array of flat river views, forest interiors, orchards, harbor scenes, and curving roads -- frequently depicted at twilight.
 
133 JDW to his mother, May 20, 1883. See Sellin, Americans in Brittany and Nomandy, 1860 - 1910, and Jacobs, The Good and Simple Life, ch. 3. In addition to Frank Jones and Gibson, the painters in Pont-Aven in 1883 - 84 included, among the Americans, Willard Metcalf, Arthur Hoeber, Charles Adams Platt, and Dennis Miller Bunker, and the Englishman Adrian Stokes and his Austrian fiancée Marianne Preindlsberger. (I am greatly indebted to Julie Martin Mirabito, whose 1995 seminar paper and 1996 M.A. essay at the University of Virginia explored Woodward's sojourns in Pont-Aven and included information on the other artists there and Woodward's possible artistic models.) Although Woodward's letters fail to throw light on whose works he found instructive, they do reveal that he saw "a good deal of the artists staying at Concarneau," a nearby coastal town. They included the American brothers Birge Harrison and T. Alexander Harrison, whose Castles in Spain had been much acclaimed at the Paris Salon of 1882, and their friend, the French painter Jules Bastien-Lepage (1848 - 84) (Sellin, Americans in Brittany and Normandy, p. 45). The latter was a highly recognized artist whose subjects were similar to the Barbizon painters, but frequently characterized by more precise detail and greater virtuosity in manipulation of paint. He was also known for the frequent use of a high horizon line and a cool gray palette. Although he died in the winter of 1884 at the age of thirty-six, Woodward probably met him in Concarneau in 1883 or at least knew of him and his work through the Harrisons. His death was widely mourned, and his work was celebrated in a large retrospective exhibition in Paris in 1885. For his influence on another painter, see Doreen Bolger Burke, J. Alden Weir: An American Impressionist (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1983), pp. 104ff.
 
134 Lu to Mary Woodward, May 24, 1883; JDW to his mother, Feb. 24, 1884.
 
135 His only known still life, dated 1884, featuring large ceramic and brass utensils in front of an ornately carved cabinet, may be the one his wife wrote gave him something to do when it rained, although he was "not much interested in it." Despite his comments that models in Brittany were "very good in costume" and cheap, no paintings featuring figures are known. Lu to Mary Woodward, Oct. 20, 1883; JDW to his mother, June 10, July 1, Oct. 14, Nov. 18, 1883, and Feb. 24, 1884.
 
136 Two highly conventional undated paintings depicting the old Ty-Meur mill that was a picture-postcard emblem of the town could be from his 1876 - 77 stay. One of these includes a tiny foreground figure of a Breton washerwoman in traditional headdress kneeling over her wash. The other is strikingly similar to a photograph of the mill found in Woodward's album. Perhaps he worked from the photograph when weather kept him indoors.
 
137 Sellin, Americans in Brittany and Normandy, p. 36.
 
138 Fink discusses the road motif in landscapes exhibited at the Paris Salon: American Art at the Nineteenth-Century Paris Salons, pp. 231 - 232.
 
139 In a Sept. 1879 letter to David Maitland Armstrong, quoted in David Sellin, "The Art of William Lamb Picknell," William Lamb Picknell, 1853 - 1897 (Washington DC: Taggart & Jorgensen Gallery, 1991), p. 14.
 
140 It is similar in its light effects to David Maitland Armstrong's Houses, Pont-Aven (1878; The Holyoke Museum, Holyoke Public Library).
 
141 JDW to his mother, May 11, 1884; Lu to Mary Woodward, June 2, 1884.
 
142 It is not clear how long they stayed at Pont-Aven. The last letter from there is dated June 2, 1884. By that March, Woodward had noted that the Bretons were no longer as hospitable to foreign artists as they had been earlier -- landowners demanded payment for "the privilege" of painting on their land, some townspeople were rude, and prices kept rising (JDW to his mother, March 16, 1884). They may have visited England before returning to the U.S., as is suggested by paintings he exhibited and an article about him: At the Brooklyn Art Association he exhibited a watercolor titled Banks of the Avon, England ($80; unlocated) in April 1885, and another, On the River Avon, England ($150; unlocated), in Jan. 1886; and the writer of an article on Woodward says: "In 1882, he revisited Europe, where he remained about two years, studying art in England and France" (Montgomery, ed., American Art and American Art Collections, p. 632). The date in the preceding should probably be 1883. After returning to the U.S., Woodward likely visited Richmond. Two illustrations by him of Colonial houses near Richmond appeared in the Oct. 1884 Century, accompanying Edward Eggleston's article "Social Conditions in the Colonies," mainly illustrated by Fenn.
 
143 Lizzie W. Champney, "The Summer Haunts of American Artists," Century, Sept. 1885, pp. 848 - 851.
 
144 He had completed at least one painting of East Hampton before going to Pont-Aven: In the Meadows, East Hampton (unlocated), exhibited at the Brooklyn Art Club in December 1882. A group of pastel sketches by Woodward of meadows and the like shows he was experimenting with this medium that necessarily emphasizes form and color rather than line. Bolton Jones joined Painters in Pastel in 1884 and may have encouraged Woodward to try the medium.
 
145 According to Sellin, Picknell spent the summers of 1883 to 1891 at Annisquam, attracting a large group of artists, including the Jones brothers in at least 1885 and 1886, and causing Henry Kenyon to describe Annisquam as "a regular American Pont-Aven." Sellin, "The Art of William Lamb Picknell," pp. 21 - 24.
 
146 The seacoast paintings include two Annisquam subjects and one of Perkins Cove, near Ogunquit, Maine. None are dated. He may have been attracted to the Maine location by the artists' colonies there -- one led by Charles H. Woodbury beginning in 1889, and the other by Hamilton Easter Field a few years later. See Woodard D. Openo, "Artistic Circles and Summer Colonies," in Sarah L. Giffen and Kevin D. Murphy, eds., "A Noble and Dignified Stream": The Piscataqua Region in the Colonial Revival,1860 - 1930 (York ME: Old York Historical Society, 1992), pp. 117 - 118.
 
147 Two letters from Woodward's mother to him and his wife, Feb. 14, 1886 and Oct. 16, 1887, indicate the artist had a health problem during this period, but do not specify what it was. Other books of poetry to which he contributed include Tennyson's The Day Dream (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1886), Bryon's Childe Harold's Pilgrimage (Boston: Ticknor and Co., 1886), and Tennyson's Fairy Lilian and Other Poems (Boston: Estes and Lauriat, 1888). He also designed a pictorial border for Frederick A. Stokes' 1888 edition of The Complete Poetical Works of George Eliot that was printed on every page in either pale orange or gray-green, an early instance of page design influenced by the Aesthetic Movement.
 
148 Stephen W. Sears, ed., The American Heritage Century Collection of Civil War Art (New York: American Heritage Publishing Co., 1974) reproduces a number of Woodward's original drawings for the series.
 
149 The portraits and more tonal images in this series were still reproduced by wood engraving.
 
150 The Scribner's illustrations especially seem to have been hack work -- very uninteresting subjects Woodward often did not even sign, although he was usually credited as illustrator in the table of contents. He contributed several illustrations to a series of articles in Harper's Monthly on California by Charles Dudley Warner, primarily illustrated by H. Bolton Jones and William Hamilton Gibson. Although this raises the possibility that Woodward travelled to California with these friends in 1890, no letters or other documentation confirming this have come to light, and the limitation of Woodward's contributions to depictions of tree species strongly suggests that he worked from photographs. See, in Harper's Monthly, Charles Dudley Warner, "Our Italy," Nov. 1890, pp. 814 - 829; "The Winter of Our Content," Dec. 1890, pp. 39 - 57; "The Outlook in Southern California," Jan. 1891, pp. 168 - 189.
 
151 It is not known whether Woodward travelled to the Canadian Rockies. Since no letters or sketches have been located suggesting that he did, it seems likely he worked from photographs.
 
152 Edward H. Coates, President of the PAFA to JDW, June 10, 1891 (Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, Letterbook for 1891). Perhaps Woodward's friend Thomas Hovenden, who had been teaching there, was instrumental in getting him the position.
 
153 JDW to Mr. Morris, August ? 1892, Brookhaven, L.I. (archives of the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts).
 
154 A note on the envelope of letter of J. P. L Woodward to JDW dated Oct. 9, 1895, indicates writing it was his last act, as he was unconscious the next morning and died Oct. 23. The Jan. 16, 1893, codicil to the will of J. P. L. Woodward directs that his interest in the lumber firm of Woodward & Son and certain other property be assigned to W. Minor Woodward, who agreed to pay his father a lifetime annuity. Further, within one year after their father's death, the latter would pay John Douglas Woodward the sum of $40,923.56, with interest, representing half the appraised value of the father's estate. The artist's mother had died in 1888. In 1996 dollars, the sum of $40,000 would be equivalent to more than $600,000. See Scott Derks, ed. The Value of a DolIar 1860 - 1989 (Gale Research, Inc., c. 1994). Edmund L. Woodward, "Biographical Sketch," "An Artist Abroad in the Seventies," p. vi.
 
155 Lu to Mary Woodward, June 18, 24, 1878; JDW to his mother, July 14, 1878.
 
156 He wrote that Venice "came fully up to my expectations." JDW to his mother, June 15, 1879.
 
157 Many of them were apparently left unframed in his studio at the time of his death and later framed in simple, uniform frames for hanging at Shrine Mont.
 
158 JDW to Francis C. Jones, June 17, 1899, Venice, "An Artist Abroad in the Seventies," pp.187 - 88.
 
159 He exhibited a watercolor titled Lake Maggiore (Northern End) (unlocated) and an oil titled On the Island of Pescatoni [Pescatori], Lake Maggiore (unlocated) (Seventh Annual Exhibition, the Art Club, Richmond Va., and Pictures by Professional Artists, May 12 - 17, 1902). I am indebted to Lynn Bayliss for this information.
 
160 18 by 26 inches, oil on canvas, Acc. no. 01.4. In a March 28, 1901, letter to Edward Valentine, he said he had hoped to send a Virginia subject, but his old studies had disappeared and he hadn't had a chance to make any; therefore, he was sending "a Venice": "it is the St. Maria della Salute from the Guidecca. This is a very much painted church -- everybody takes a whack at it but not from this side showing the garden at the back. It is usually painted from the Grand Canal." (Papers of Edward V. Valentine, Valentine Museum)
 
161 The articles moved to Shrine Mont from Woodward's studio included: a large cabinet and a small portfolio stand he purportedly carved himself based on models in the Cluny Museum, Paris; a plaster cast of a portion of the Parthenon freize; a John Rogers sculpture of Romeo, Juliet, and Nurse; and numerous brass utensils.
 
162 Vol. 20 (New York: James T. White & Co., 1929), p. 346.
 
163 According to the American Art Annual, 21 (1924), 289. It is not known whether Woodward was acquainted with Frederic Remington, who lived in New Rochelle until shortly before his premature death in 1909.
 
164 Several recent publications have discussed and reproduced some of Woodward's original drawings for illustration: Sears, ed. The American Heritage Century Collection of Civil War Art; Sue Rainey, Creating Picturesque America; and Gerald M. Ackerman, American Orientalists (Courbevoie/Paris: ACR Edition, 1994), pp. 258 - 265.


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